Nakhijevan Institute of Canada – Declaration

NAKHIJEVAN INSTITUTE OF CANADA
NAKHIJEVAN INSTITUT DU CANADA
11766 de Poutrincourt
Montreal, Quebec H3M 2A3
DECLARATION, OCTOBER 8, 2009
OUR POSITION ON THE PROTOCOLS: NO TO THE CURRENT DOCUMENT

NAKHIJEVAN INSTITUTE OF CANADA, expressing the position of its members and supporters, does NOT accept the protocols between Armenia and Turkey in their current form and content, as an agreed upon basis of the opening of borders and establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Our position is based on the following arguments:

NAKHIJEVAN INSTITUTE OF CANADA
NAKHIJEVAN INSTITUT DU CANADA
11766 de Poutrincourt
Montreal, Quebec H3M 2A3
DECLARATION, OCTOBER 8, 2009
OUR POSITION ON THE PROTOCOLS: NO TO THE CURRENT DOCUMENT

NAKHIJEVAN INSTITUTE OF CANADA, expressing the position of its members and supporters, does NOT accept the protocols between Armenia and Turkey in their current form and content, as an agreed upon basis of the opening of borders and establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Our position is based on the following arguments:


Armenia`s internal weak position: the post-soviet period resulted in serious political and socio-economic problems, which are seriously hampering its development. Politically, the country lacks a true democratic working life: the three state institutions are not working properly. Fraudulent elections do not permit expression of the will of the population. The National Assembly, the legislative branch, is acting like a rubber stamp of the executive and the opposition is left powerless; the executive is suffering from legitimacy problem. President Serj Sarkissian has a serious legitimacy problem as a result of fraudulent presidential elections in 2008. The rest of the executive branch represents a ‘coalition’ which is legally not defendable. The judiciary is politicized, and reportedly, in many instances, acts not according to the Constitution and the laws, but in conformity with the guidelines of the ruling political forces. There are also political prisoners. Media is under control and life of outspoken journalists is threatened. There are serious human rights violations and oppressive measures are used against young activists, in order to break their resistance.  Economically, power is in the hands of small minority of oligarchs, the super rich who also control the political processes and institutions and divide the country between themselves, like in medieval times. Using state apparatus, privatization was used for capital accumulation by the few, which ended up dispossessing the population. The resulting widespread social injustice has created a structural sharp unequal society with adverse consequences on the socio-economic and judicial aspects. The environment is being seriously damaged in the mining zones, by local and international companies running after superprofits and exploitation: water, air, agricultural lands and products are polluted and in many instances poisoned, as well as health of the populations are affected. The ruling political and economic forces, although in minority, by the use of police, internal security and sometimes the army, are keeping the majority population under control, making sure that the civil society does not get organized in a way that the resulting social movement brings about a legitimate  regime change. Also, by branding the flag of external threats from Turkey and Azerbaijan, the ruling forces intend to keep the population under fear from those threats. Economically and in legal matters the country is not ready for opening of border between the two countries.
Under these weak conditions and legitimacy problem of the president, Armenia cannot sign a fair agreement with Turkey for opening of the borders.

International ramifications of the protocols
The major international forces, United States, Russia and the European Union, each acting according to their global and regional interests, are using the internal situation of Armenia in order to impose some kind of ‘settlement’ on the long standing issues between Turkey and Armenia, and proceed later, to the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. We note that this is not the first instance since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Attempts in early nineties, the Turkish-Armenian reconciliation Commission (TARC) in early 21st century, were actions taken by the American various administrations to channel the Turkish-Armenian issues in accordance with the American objectives and interests, aiming at excluding Russia from South Caucasus, securing pipeline interests for Western multinationals and constituting a platform for further penetration in Eurasia from the Caucasus.

What is the possible role of president Serj Sarkissian under these circumstances? By acquiescing to the demands of the international players, he hopes to gain a legitimacy from abroad, which he does not currently possess. And because of that same lack of legitimacy, willingly or unwillingly, he is a perfect tool in the hands of international players, like some heads of state of third world countries, who after being used by the international players, were later dumped.
In the case of Armenia-Turkey protocols, the international players are seemingly acting in unison to pressure Armenia. However, their interests are contradictory: Russia, on the one side; US and European Union, on the other. Therefore, these protocols, if and when put into use, will unlikely bring peace and prosperity to the region, but will constitute source for harder competition and more conflicts.

Major contested points of the protocols:
The protocols, explicitly or implicitly, indicate the existence of Turkish preconditions, despite the declarations by the Armenian authorities to the contrary.
a) Indirect reference to mutual recognition of international borders makes the otherwise contentious border issues between the two countries as a precondition for the establishment of diplomatic relations.
b) The establishment of intergovernmental sub-commission to examine the problems of historical dimension leads to the examination of the issue of Genocide, contested by Turkey. Although, this does not stop the recognition efforts by the Diaspora abroad, it renders its path more difficult and can be used by the Turkish side to defer the issue indefinitely and attempt to influence the international efforts for its recognition. This constitutes one of the preconditions of the Turkish authorities.
c) Although there is no direct reference to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the absence of the concept of self-determination from the texts and a reference to non-intervention in internal affairs of other states can be used by Turkey to prevent Armenia from defending internationally the rights of Armenians of that region vis-à-vis Azerbaijan.
This is a third declared precondition of the Turkish authorities.

CONCLUSION
As a conclusion, we reiterate our position NOT to accept the protocols to “guide relations between Armenia and Turkey” in their current form. The above exposed problems in the protocols indicate that they are not in accordance with the best interests of Armenia.

Furthermore, we consider that a president with legitimacy problem does NOT have the right to contract agreements in the name of the Armenian state nor does it have the right to deal with issues of concern for Armenians worldwide, without prior consultations with and approval by parties concerned. President Serj Sarkissian behaves with the Diaspora with the same deceitful and disdainful manner that he treats the people of Armenia. Armenia separated from the Diaspora is an easy prey for antagonist forces. Actions by the current authorities of Armenia, whose legitimacy is in doubt, can bring about that situation and threaten the very security of the population, in whose name they claim to initiate these protocols.

The Armenian population of Armenia has the sovereign right NOT to recognize agreements made by a president whose legitimacy is seriously in default, due to his falsified elections in order to reach into power and his continued efforts to violate human rights of many of its citizens. Such agreements can be contested and considered not binding by the sovereign people of Armenia and by the legitimate authorities that they will initiate, as a consequence of forthcoming regime change. Armenia must be saved from the hands of a tyran in the making. The road to that is the resignation of Serj Sarkissian and the establishment of a democratically elected president and National Assembly who would deal with the important issues confronting Armenia and the Armenians.
 
 
NOTE: The above declaration, accompanied by a list of signatures has been sent to the Armenian Embassy in Ottawa, Canada.
Copies have also been sent to our Canadian friends for information.

 

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