By Varouj Pogharian, Bogota, 11 March 2025
The Armenian Genocide, perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire during World War I, was a systematic campaign of relocation, mass murder, and cultural destruction targeting the Armenian population. The leadership of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), particularly the triumvirate of Talaat Pasha, Enver Pasha, and Jemal Pasha, drove the decision-making process behind this campaign. Their actions were shaped by a combination of wartime paranoia, nationalist ideology, and a desire to create a homogenized Turkish state.
Talaat Pasha, the Minister of the Interior, faced mounting pressure from provincial governors and influential factions within the CUP to implement policies targeting the Armenian population. Under the guise of wartime security and nationalist policy, the CUP sought to seize Armenian assets and eliminate perceived threats. The Armenian relocation decree, which began in 1915, was a key instrument in this plan. It authorized the forced relocation of Armenians from their ancestral lands, leading to widespread massacres and deaths from starvation and disease.
Enver Pasha, the Minister of War, played a central role in justifying these actions. Following the disastrous Sarikamish campaign against Russia in 1914–1915, Enver blamed Armenian civilians for the Ottoman military’s failures, accusing them of collaborating with the enemy. This accusation became a pretext for the genocide. Enver’s reckless ambition and obsession with self-aggrandizement had earned him the derisive nickname “Napoleonlik” among his peers. His portrait, hung between those of Napoleon and Frederick the Great in his sitting room, symbolized his inflated ego.
Jemal Pasha, the Minister of the Navy and governor of Syria, had a more complex relationship with the Armenian population. During the 1909 Adana massacres he had intervened to protect Armenians, earning a reputation for relative sympathy. However, his harsh policies in Syria, including grain embargoes and public executions of Arab nationalists, overshadowed this legacy. Despite his occasional gestures of humanity, Jemal ultimately supported the CUP’s broader agenda of Turkification and the removal of non-Turkish elements from the empire.
The CUP leadership framed their actions as a wartime necessity. Talaat Pasha defended the relocations as a security measure in a meeting with U.S. Ambassador Henry Morgenthau. Morgenthau condemned the relocations as inhumane and warned of their consequences. Talaat’s infamous response, “We make mistakes, but we are Turks and never regret,” underscored the regime’s unyielding stance.
The CUP drew on racist and nationalist ideologies to justify their actions. German intellectuals like Friedrich Naumann and botanist Walter Siehe propagated anti-Armenian sentiments, which the Ottoman leadership exploited. However, not all Germans supported the genocide. Pastor Johannes Lepsius, a German missionary, openly criticized the atrocities, describing them as “race annihilation.”

The CUP was prepared to adopt extreme measures to achieve their goals. Historical precedents of imperial violence influenced their policies. Enver Pasha compared the Armenian Genocide to the Russian expulsion of Circassians in the 1860s, the British actions during the Boer War, and the German suppression of the Herero and Nama in Southwest Africa.
The genocide was not only an act of ethnic cleansing but also a means of economic exploitation. Armenian properties, businesses, and personal belongings were systematically confiscated and redistributed to loyal Muslims, creating a new Turkish bourgeoisie aligned with the CUP. Talaat Pasha meticulously documented the value of abandoned properties, highlighting the regime’s focus on material gain.
Jemal Pasha, though complicit in the genocide, occasionally expressed reservations. He advocated for the Islamization of Armenians as an alternative to outright extermination, believing that converted Armenians could be assimilated into the Turkish nation. However, Talaat and Enver, who insisted on a homogeneous Anatolia, overruled his suggestions.
By 1916, the genocide had reached its final stages. Armenian survivors in concentration camps in the Syrian Desert faced systematic annihilation. Talaat Pasha’s chilling decision to eliminate these survivors marked the culmination of the CUP’s campaign of destruction.
The aftermath of the genocide saw the downfall of the CUP leadership. Soghomon Tehlirian, an Armenian survivor seeking justice, assassinated Talaat in Berlin in 1921. During Tehlirian’s trial, witnesses exposed the extent of Talaat’s crimes, leading to Tehlirian’s acquittal. Jemal was killed by an Armenian avenger in Tbilisi in 1922.
The last surviving member of the triumvirate was Enver. He had escaped to Central Asia, harbouring dreams of orchestrating a coup against the new government in Istanbul, which, in his mind, was led by Jemal’s allies. He sought an alliance with the Bolsheviks by promising to ally the Turkic peoples of Central Asia with the Bolsheviks. In truth, Enver aspired to establish an empire with himself as the caliph. The Bolsheviks saw through his deceit and dispatched a military unit to track him down. The head of the unit was Hagop Melkumyan, an Armenian. As the unit closed in, Enver rallied a small force of loyal followers. The confrontation in August 1922 in Tajikistan was brief. A bullet from Melkumyan’s rifle ended Enver’s life and his grand designs.
The irony was inescapable. Enver’s life was taken by the hand of history.
The Armenian Genocide remains a dark chapter in history, driven by a toxic blend of nationalism, racism, and imperial ambition. The decisions made by Talaat, Enver, and Jemal resulted in the deaths of over one million Armenians and the destruction of a centuries-old civilization. Their actions serve as a stark reminder of the consequences of intolerance and hatred.
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Varouj Pogharian was born and raised in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. His grandparents were from
Van, Arapkir and Urfa. His family moved to Canada when he was 18. He retired from the Canadian federal government following a career that included assignments in South America. He is currently working on a historical novel, which is set in Asia Minor during the tumultuous period that spanned the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II and the rise of the Young Turks. His narrative is poised to explore the complexities of this historical backdrop.